Publication
International year of the family report (phase 1): an overview of academic attempts to define the family
3. The Changing Family
3.1 Introduction
Major demographic and sociological changes have taken place with regard to family composition this century, with the pace of change accelerating in the past two decades. Almost all developed countries have experienced changes of four principal types: a decline in fertility rates, the ageing of the population, an erosion of the institution of marriage, and a rapid increase in births outside of marriage. For Sorrentino (1990), each of these four trends have played a major part in the transformation of the family. Here statistical data is presented in order to elaborate the most significant demographic changes which have affected Scottish families in recent years and to demonstrate the multiplicity of family types.
3.2 Fertility rates in Scotland
The average size of British families has decreased during this century. Women are completing their families much sooner than in the past - most by their late 20s instead of nearly 40 (Anderson, 1985). As Lewis (1980) points out, the reduction in the number of births and pregnancies has had a dramatic effect on women’s health and their experience of motherhood (pregnancy, childbirth and child care). In the 1930s the average number of children per family in Britain was between five and six, today it is just over two. Table One below presents precise information on the changing fertility patterns in Scottish families over the period from 1970 to 1992.
Table 1
Births in Scotland 1970 to 1992
| 1970 |
1980 |
1990 |
1991 |
1992 |
||
| All births |
No |
88,569 |
69,355 |
66,322 |
67,393 |
66,145 |
| Rate 1 |
17.0 |
13.4 |
13.0 |
13.2 |
12.9 |
|
| Rate 2 |
88.0 |
63.7 |
59.1 |
60.1 |
60.0 |
|
| Live Births |
No |
87,335 |
68,892 |
65973 |
67,024 |
65,789 |
| Rate 1 |
16.8 |
13.3 |
12.9 |
13.1 |
12.9 |
|
| Still Births |
No |
1,234 |
463 |
349 |
369 |
356 |
| Rate 3 |
13.9 |
6.7 |
5.3 |
5.5 |
5.4 |
Rate 1-Per 1,000 population: Rate 2- Per 1,000 females aged 15-44: Rate 3- Per 1,000 total births including childbirth.
(source: Annual Report Registrar General for Scotland 1992)
The change in average family size has had important implications for the institution of the family and individual family members. In particular smaller families have meant fewer relatives to care for young children or other dependent members (Sorrentino, 1990). Lower fertility rates have also created the opportunity for women to participate to a greater extent in the labour market. And conversely, increased participation in the labour market has also led to lower fertility rates. The period from 1970 to 1990 saw a rise of 3 million in the number of women in Britain who are economically active. In Britain in 1971 approximately 50 per cent of married women were economically active by 1990 this figure had risen to 70 per cent (Social Trends 1992).
3.3 Marriage and Divorce in Scotland
Marriage rates for single persons aged 16-29 have been falling since 1970. In 1938, the percentages of males aged under 20 and 25 who were married were 2.1 and 28.0 respectively. The figure for those aged under 20 rose to a high of 12.7 in 1973 and has fallen in each subsequent year to 1.3 in 1992. For those aged under 25 the figure reached a high of 65.4 in 1970 and fell each year to 26.0 in 1992. The number of married females under 20 years rose from 12.5 per cent in 1938 to 30.6 per cent in 1966 before falling back to 4.5 per cent in 1992. The figure for females under 25 who were married rose from 49.2 per cent in 1938 to 78.0 per cent in 1969 but has since fallen and now stands at 38.7 per cent. The statistical trend over the last twenty years has been towards generally lower of marriage.
Table 2
The Number of Marriages in Scotland 1970-92
| 1971-5 Average |
1976-80 Average |
1981-85 Average |
1986-90 Average |
1990 |
1991 |
1992 |
| 41,605 |
37,801 |
35,755 |
35,400 |
34,672 |
33,762 |
35,057 |
(Source: Annual Report Registrar General Scotland, 1992)
However, although marriage rates are declining there were still 35,057 new marriages in Scotland in 1992, 1,295 more than in 1991. This 1992 figure being 23 higher than the five year average. The rate of marriage per 1,000 population was 6.9 for 1992, compared with a rate of 6.6 per 1,000 of the population in 1991. The average marriage rate for 1987-1991 was 6.9 per 1000 of the population.
Haskey (1993b) has calculated that if British divorce rates continue at the 1987 level, then almost four in ten marriages (37 per cent) will end in divorce. However, Haskey argues that the divorce rate is in fact likely to rise since divorce is taking place earlier, more marriages are remarriages (for at least one partner) and these are at the greatest risk of ending in divorce. The risk of divorce is also related to social class, especially for men. Those in social class V and the unemployed are most likely to experience divorce and least likely to re-marry (Haskey, 1984).
As table Three below shows the number of divorces in Scotland has risen steadily since 1970. The total number of dissolved marriages in 1992 was 12,479. This was a small increase of 80 on the 1991 figure. The highest number of divorces ever recorded in one year was 13,373 in 1985 (Annual Report Registrar General for Scotland 1992). In 1992 there were 9,376 children under 16 affected by divorces. Since 1980, the total number of children involved in divorces has fallen by 15 per cent. (Annual Report Registrar General for Scotland 1992).
Table 3
The number of divorces over time in Scotland (including nullities).
| 1971-5 Average |
1976-80 Average |
1981-85 Average |
1986-90 Average |
1990 |
1991 |
1992 |
| 6604 |
9067 |
11942 |
12067 |
12272 |
12399 |
12479 |
(Source: Annual Report Registrar General Scotland 1992)
3.4 Lone Parents
According to the General Household Survey 1991, the proportion of households in Britain conforming to the nuclear family type fell from 31 per cent in 1979 to 25 per cent in 1991. In the same period the proportion of families headed by lone parents increased from 8 per cent to 19 per cent (OPCS 1993). The number of lone parent families rose from 570,000 in 1971 to 1.3 million in 1991. At the same time the number of dependent children living in one parent families increased from 1 million to 2.2 million (Haskey, 1993a). The rise has been relatively steady year on year. Married couples with dependent children now account for just over eight in ten or four in five of families with children.
At the Scottish level, recent figures for lone parent households as a percentage of the number of households with children (aged 0-15) stands at 15.8 per cent (Census Report for Scotland 1991). This gives us a figure of 90,937 households (with children 0-15) in Scotland headed by a lone parent.
Table 4
Economic activity: lone mothers with child(ren) 0-15, Scotland 1991
| Number | percentage | |
| Full-time | 11,844 | 14 |
| Part-time | 13,264 | 15.7 |
| Self Employed | 933 | 1.1 |
| Other | 6,094 | 7.3 |
| Economically active students | 143 | 0.2 |
| Economically inactive | 52,107 | 61.7 |
| Total | 84,385 |
(Source: Census for Scotland 1991)
Lone parents are overwhelmingly women and not men. Therefore, at a Scottish level, we find that out of 90,937 lone parent households, 84,385 (92.8%) are headed by women (1991 Census). Importantly, they are also predominantly women who have had serious relationships with their children’s fathers but which have subsequently broke down. It is clear that marriage break-down is the major cause of lone parenthood. As the table below shows in 1992 the vast majority of births were to married couples
Table 5
(source: Annual Report Registrar General for Scotland 1992).
Live Births, Numbers by age of mother and marital status.
| Married |
| Year |
All ages |
<20 |
20-24 |
25-29 |
30-34 |
35-39 |
40-44 |
45> |
| 1992 |
45,839 |
757 |
8150 |
18786 |
13595 |
3979 |
530 |
18 |
| Unmarried |
| 1992 |
19950 |
4449 |
7255 |
4785 |
2378 |
808 |
144 |
5 |
However, the increase in the numbers of single mothers (i.e. unmarried and not cohabiting) has been especially marked since 1986, whilst the numbers of divorced lone mothers has stabilised (Haskey, 1993a). In this sense there are grounds for current claims that the recent steep upward curve in single parenthood result from changes in the behaviour of young, single women.
Table 6
Births to unmarried parents in Scotland 1970-92
| 1970 |
1980 |
1990 |
1991 |
1992 |
|
| Number |
6286 |
7760 |
17985 |
19662 |
20088 |
| Percentage |
7.7 |
11.3 |
27.1 |
29.1 |
30.3 |
(Source: Scottish Health Statistics 1993)
Among lone mothers it is those who are single (never married, not cohabiting) who have the highest proportions of young, especially very young children (Haskey, 1993a). Sixty per cent of their children are pre-school age compared with 25 per cent of the children of all lone parents (Brughes, 1993).
Table 7
Total children in families receiving one parent benefits by size of family, 1986-1991
| 1986 |
1987 |
1988 |
1989 |
1990 |
1991 |
|
| No. children in family |
||||||
| 1 |
39,000 |
44,000 |
47,000 |
48,000 |
50.000 |
53,000 |
| 2 |
19,000 |
21,000 |
22,000 |
22,000 |
24,000 |
25,000 |
| 3 |
4,000 |
5,000 |
5,000 |
6,000 |
6,000 |
7,000 |
| 4 or more |
1,000 |
1,000 |
1,000 |
1,000 |
2,000 |
2,000 |
| All |
63,000 |
71,000 |
75,000 |
77,000 |
82,000 |
87,000 |
(Source: Scottish Abstract Statistics 1992)
One parent families are not the only alternative to what has been described above as the nuclear family, although they are probably statistically the most significant. The numbers of single people living alone has also risen sharply in recent years, largely because of the ageing population and the fact that women outlive men (Arber & Gin 1992).
To summarise, in Scotland during the last 20 years marriage rates and fertility rates have both fallen. Statistical trends show an increase in divorce and marriage breakdown. Lone parenthood has risen significantly since 1971. The majority of lone parents are women whose relationships with the fathers of their children have broken down. Most lone mothers are economically inactive, possibly due to a shortage of adequate child care. It is statistics such as those presented that ring alarm bells in supporters of the family and traditional marriage patterns. For other commentators these statistics stand as evidence of the re- or de-construction of the family.